5 months ago
18mr: So, this is a cool idea. You Might Find Yourself suggested that Google should feature Fred Korematsu in a Google Doodle, and The Fred Korematsu Institute ran with this image and found that you can suggest a Doodle via email. We streamlined the process to make it easy for you to ask Google to honor Fred for Korematsu Day 2015 (Jan. 30, 2015).
Click here!

18mr: So, this is a cool idea. You Might Find Yourself suggested that Google should feature Fred Korematsu in a Google Doodle, and The Fred Korematsu Institute ran with this image and found that you can suggest a Doodle via email. We streamlined the process to make it easy for you to ask Google to honor Fred for Korematsu Day 2015 (Jan. 30, 2015).

Click here!

Today is Fred Korematsu Day! In 1983, lawyers from Asian Americans Advancing Justice - Asian Law Caucus challenged the Supreme Court’s notorious 1944 decision in Korematsu v. United States. After four decades, Mr. Korematsu was finally vindicated of his criminal conviction for defying the Japanese American internment during World War II.

Today is Fred Korematsu Day! In 1983, lawyers from Asian Americans Advancing Justice - Asian Law Caucus challenged the Supreme Court’s notorious 1944 decision in Korematsu v. United States. After four decades, Mr. Korematsu was finally vindicated of his criminal conviction for defying the Japanese American internment during World War II.

11 months ago
South Korean fans hang a banner Sunday reading ‘There is no future for a race oblivious to history’ at the East Asian Cup finale against Japan in Seoul.
This week, Japan and South Korea have been reopening old wounds. It started off on Sunday at a football match in Seoul, when fans unfurled a banner accusing Japan of being “oblivious to history”.
The next day, a Busan court ordered a Japanese company to pay up for forced-labour practices in the past. A day later, Glendale, a city in southern California, unveiled a memorial for Asian women and girls held as sex slaves by Japanese soldiers more than a half century ago.
Three days, three news stories with a common theme: Japan’s brutal invasion and occupation of Asia in the early 20th century. In Seoul and Tokyo, government officials initially showed restraint. For once it seemed the two sides wouldn’t get drawn into their familiar tit-for-tat.
Too bad it didn’t last long. Soon Japan’s minister for education, culture, sports, science and technology, Hakubun Shimomura, was calling Sunday’s mix of politics and football “regrettable” and saying, “It calls into question the nature of the people in the country.” South Korea fired back, saying it was “deeply regrettable” that a senior Japanese official would insult South Koreans over a sporting event. The Korean Football Association accused Japanese supporters at the game of provoking action by waving a Rising Sun flag, which once fluttered above the decks of Japan’s wartime naval fleet. It remains a potent symbol for many South Koreans of Japanese militarism and 35 years of colonial rule.
History has a way of whipping up nationalist sentiments on both sides. Officials in Tokyo and Seoul can’t help but weigh in. The results are predictable – finger-pointing, hurt feelings. This has brought about a stalemate of sorts: South Korea demands Japan shows more contrition for a militaristic past and Japan defends itself by saying that past wrongs were settled decades ago.
Rarely do they deviate from the script. Tokyo’s fallback position is to invoke the 1965 treaty that established diplomatic relations with South Korea and settled old grievances and it also reminds Seoul of compensation provided to South Koreans through a private fund. Seoul views this as a way for the Japanese to shirk responsibility for their past. For South Koreans there are other signs of this, such as textbooks that gloss over Japan’s wartime atrocities, lawmakers who visit a Tokyo war shrine and bureaucrats who demand that Seoul hand over control of a group of islets in the Sea of Japan.
The most extreme views on both sides tend to taint the relationship. Pessimists say it’s only a matter of time before something aggravates things further. But what they forget is how economically dependent on each other these two countries have become. Japan is South Korea’s second-largest trading partner; South Korea ranks among the top five for Japan. Commerce between the two exceeds $100bn (€75.5bn). You’ll find South Korean tourists loaded down with shopping bags at fashion retailers in Harajuku and gushing over Japanese anime and Japanese tourists tucking into bulgogi at restaurants in Hongdae and dancing to the latest K-pop tunes.
There’s a strange disconnect between the tense diplomatic ties and commercial cosiness. It’s a love-hate relationship with so much emotional baggage that it defies a straightforward solution. For now expect the blame game to continue. (via Monocle)

South Korean fans hang a banner Sunday reading ‘There is no future for a race oblivious to history’ at the East Asian Cup finale against Japan in Seoul.

This week, Japan and South Korea have been reopening old wounds. It started off on Sunday at a football match in Seoul, when fans unfurled a banner accusing Japan of being “oblivious to history”.

The next day, a Busan court ordered a Japanese company to pay up for forced-labour practices in the past. A day later, Glendale, a city in southern California, unveiled a memorial for Asian women and girls held as sex slaves by Japanese soldiers more than a half century ago.

Three days, three news stories with a common theme: Japan’s brutal invasion and occupation of Asia in the early 20th century. In Seoul and Tokyo, government officials initially showed restraint. For once it seemed the two sides wouldn’t get drawn into their familiar tit-for-tat.

Too bad it didn’t last long. Soon Japan’s minister for education, culture, sports, science and technology, Hakubun Shimomura, was calling Sunday’s mix of politics and football “regrettable” and saying, “It calls into question the nature of the people in the country.” South Korea fired back, saying it was “deeply regrettable” that a senior Japanese official would insult South Koreans over a sporting event. The Korean Football Association accused Japanese supporters at the game of provoking action by waving a Rising Sun flag, which once fluttered above the decks of Japan’s wartime naval fleet. It remains a potent symbol for many South Koreans of Japanese militarism and 35 years of colonial rule.

History has a way of whipping up nationalist sentiments on both sides. Officials in Tokyo and Seoul can’t help but weigh in. The results are predictable – finger-pointing, hurt feelings. This has brought about a stalemate of sorts: South Korea demands Japan shows more contrition for a militaristic past and Japan defends itself by saying that past wrongs were settled decades ago.

Rarely do they deviate from the script. Tokyo’s fallback position is to invoke the 1965 treaty that established diplomatic relations with South Korea and settled old grievances and it also reminds Seoul of compensation provided to South Koreans through a private fund. Seoul views this as a way for the Japanese to shirk responsibility for their past. For South Koreans there are other signs of this, such as textbooks that gloss over Japan’s wartime atrocities, lawmakers who visit a Tokyo war shrine and bureaucrats who demand that Seoul hand over control of a group of islets in the Sea of Japan.

The most extreme views on both sides tend to taint the relationship. Pessimists say it’s only a matter of time before something aggravates things further. But what they forget is how economically dependent on each other these two countries have become. Japan is South Korea’s second-largest trading partner; South Korea ranks among the top five for Japan. Commerce between the two exceeds $100bn (€75.5bn). You’ll find South Korean tourists loaded down with shopping bags at fashion retailers in Harajuku and gushing over Japanese anime and Japanese tourists tucking into bulgogi at restaurants in Hongdae and dancing to the latest K-pop tunes.

There’s a strange disconnect between the tense diplomatic ties and commercial cosiness. It’s a love-hate relationship with so much emotional baggage that it defies a straightforward solution. For now expect the blame game to continue. (via Monocle)

11 months ago 11 months ago

I took these photographs just a 30 minute drive from my hometown where I grew up. I was seventeen at the time and had recently acquired my driver’s license. I shot them on a single roll of slide film with a borrowed Canon Rebel. Photography was always my first love that I abandoned because I wanted so badly to climb out of low-income lunches and donated clothes. I always get choked up looking at them and remembering how poor we were, how poor everyone else was. 

1 year ago

The Green Peafowl, called the ‘Daung’(Burmeseဒေါင်း) or U-Doung in Burmese, is one of the national animals of Burma. It is strongly associated with the Konbaung monarchy and the anti-colonial nationalist movements and thus is popularly seen as the symbol of the Burmese state. The Dancing peacock, Ka-Doung (Burmeseကဒေါင်း) was used as the symbol of the Burmese monarch and was stamped on the highest denominator coins minted by Burma’s last dynasty. Upon independence, it was again featured on Burmese banknotes from 1948 til 1966. The ‘Dancing Peacock’ also appeared on certain flags of the Konbaung dynastyBritish Burma and also the State of Burma which was a collaborationist Japanese client state during the Second World War.

An alternative pose, to denote struggle, is the fighting peacock, Khoot-Daung (Burmeseခြတ္ဒေါင်း) as seen visibly on the party flag of Aung San Suu Kyi's de jure disbanded National League for Democracy. Due to the political connections, the peacock has been discarded in favour of the Chinthe by the military junta which ruled Burma after 1988.

1 year ago

LeVar Burton explains his ritual to prevent being shot by police

1 year ago

NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden: ‘I don’t want to live in a society that does these sort of things’

1 year ago

The Act of Killing is a film about genocide. And it is so surreal, and so disconcerting that one actually searches for reassurance that it’s okay to watch, okay to have watched. Deeply respected documentarians Errol Morris and Werner Herzog are credited as executive producers, one notes. The film has played established festivals. It’s been authorized. And yet its audience was desperate to exit the theater, and with good reason. This is a film about men who did unspeakable things, and who claim to be at peace with what they’ve done, though we aren’t sure we believe them. Perhaps it is fitting, then, that the film itself is so difficult to grapple with. Or maybe even saying that is an oversimplification: an attempt, in retrospect, to tidy things up with words.

1 year ago